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GNU turns 30s!

Posted 21 Sep 2015 at 03:48 UTC by advogato Share This

Advogato.org continued to serve old and new generations of coder/writer

except Michael David Crawford. Go take care of yourself and your mother, for God's sake. Amen. Mike.


where has my last comment gone?, posted 20 Oct 2017 at 17:09 UTC by new » (Observer)

to trenches everywhere

server log, posted 21 Oct 2017 at 20:17 UTC by new » (Observer)

can we view them? chime on 67.193.94.104 ... deh lala...

Now 35 yrs ? , posted 3 Jan 2020 at 02:19 UTC by robogato » (Master)

Time flies...ah? what's new?..

News - from Caixin, posted 23 Aug 2020 at 14:09 UTC by xerox » (Observer)

Apr 21, 2017 09:00 AM
Tycoon Guo Wengui’s Power Play in Netting Securities Firm
By Gao Yu, Cui Xiankang and Han Wei
Chinese businessman Guo Wengui. Photo: Niu Chenming/Caixin
Chinese businessman Guo Wengui. Photo: Niu Chenming/Caixin
(Beijing) — Guo Wengui, an elusive property tycoon who is behind several controversial business deals and a close ally to a disgraced national security official, is wanted by Interpol.

“We understand that Interpol has already issued a red notice for criminal suspect Guo Wengui,” Lu Kang, a spokesman for China’s foreign ministry, said Wednesday at a regular press briefing, without elaboration.

A "red notice" is a request to locate and provisionally arrest an individual pending extradition. It is not an international arrest warrant, according to the Interpol website.

Fifty-year-old Guo, the controlling shareholder in Beijing Zenith Holdings and Beijing Pangu Investment, was listed by Hurun wealth report as the 74th richest Chinese in 2014 with 15.5 billion yuan ($2.3 billion) in personal assets.

As a close associate of Ma Jian, the former vice minister of the Ministry of State Security, Guo has been living overseas since 2014, while Ma is under investigation since being detained in January 2015 by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the Communist Party's graft buster.

Media reports said Ma and Guo colluded for business interests in various deals, including bringing down the former deputy mayor of Beijing, Liu Zhihua, with a sex scandal that cleared the way for Guo to control a key land project near the Olympic Green park in northern Beijing.

A 25-minutes video footage surfaced online on Wednesday showing Ma confessing to using his position and power to benefit Guo’s business and taking over 60 million yuan bribes paid by Guo. It is not clear when the video was recorded, in which Ma was wearing a light puffer jacket. Ma’s case was handed over to prosecutors in February.

Guo also has close ties to Zhang Yue, who was the head of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee in northeast province Hebei when the graft watch began a probe of him last April. Zhang went on trial on Thursday at the intermediate court of Changzhou city, Jiangsu Province for allegedly taking bribes worth 158 million yuan.

Business meddling

Investigations revealed that Guo, Ma and Zhang formed a close alliance, using security and legal power to meddle in business deals. A source close to the matter told Caixin that Zhang introduced Ma to Guo around 2006, the year Ma was promoted as the deputy national security chief.

“From 2008 to 2014 I used my power and position to benefit Guo Wengui,” said Ma in the video.

One of the most controversial deals of Guo with Ma and Zhang at his back is Zenith's acquisition of Beijing-based Minzu Securities Co. Guo started buying Minzu in 2009 when he paid 291 million yuan for 6.81% of the company from Shijiazhuang Commercial Bank.

During the state-backed bank’s sale of the securities shares, Zhang, who controlled Hebei’s political and legal affairs commission at that time and is also an old acquaintance to Ma, intervened to help Zenith secure the deal, according to a source close to the investigation of Zhang.

To get control of Minzu, Guo intended to take over the 61.25% stake from Capital Airports Holding Co. (CAH), an airport operator controlled by the Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC).

Ma said in the video that Guo’s offer was rejected by Li Jiaxiang, then director of the Civil Aviation Administration of China, who preferred to sell the brokerage’s stake to a financial institution, rather than property developer Zenith. Under Guo’s request, Ma held meetings with Li, pressing him to accept Guo’s offer on national security grounds.

Li eventually changed his mind under pressure, said a source from State Development & Investment Corp., which also bid for Minzu’s share. In January 2011, Capital Airports Holding Co. auctioned off the stake at the low price of 1.6 billion yuan, but with strict requirements on the buyer. Zenith was the only bidder.

Another source in the securities industry close to Minzu said that during the Capital Airports Holding share sale and in the following transactions, officials from the security ministry met with Minzu's major shareholders.

"They were friendly, gave their identities and said Guo's company was their partner," the source said. "They hoped we could offer some favors and lower prices."

In the following years, Zenith raised its stake in Minzu to over 80% with total spending of 1.89 billion yuan. As of June 2010, Minzu had 1.78 billion yuan worth net assets on its book. The company was valued by the Beijing Equity Exchange at 2.5 billion yuan.

In September 2015, the China Securities Regulatory Commission launched an investigation on Minzu on suspicion that 2.05 billion yuan of the brokerage’s client deposit funds had been embezzled. Sources close to the investigation said Guo ordered Minzu’s executives to transfer the funds as interbank deposits to Shandong-based Hengfeng Bank and then send to companies controlled by Guo as trust loans via a trust firm in Sichuan. As of end 2016, 300 million yuan of the funds was recouped by investigators.

Power Play

While netting lucrative business deals, Ma and Zhang also played important role in helping Guo settle scores with business associates when ties turn soured.

During Guo's acquisition of Minzu, his former business partner, Qu Long reported to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that Guo partnered with Ma and Zhang to use the power of the state security department to intervene in the deals.

In a report to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection viewed by Caixin, Qu said “between 2009 and 2011, several national securities departments have signed official letters to the CAAC and CAH, requesting them to sell Minzu stakes to Guo at a low price and asking Beijing’s state-owned asset administration and the Beijing Equity Exchange to support the deal for national security. Ma personally intervened to make sure Zenith was the only bidder.”

Qu is the former president of Guangzhou-based Grandrank Investment & Co. and a long-time business partner of Guo. However, their relationship turned sour due to business-interest conflicts.

In March 2011, shortly after the report, Qu was detained in Beijing by police from neighboring Hebei province, on suspicion of "illegally holding guns." Qu's family said he was taken away by more than 10 people, including a mid-level official from the Ministry of State Security and several of Guo’s employees.

A month later, a Hebei court sentenced Qu to 15 years in prison for embezzlement of 855 million yuan, court document shows.

During his detention, Qu wrote in a report that after he told the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection about Guo, "Guo called me and told me he knew all about my report. He threatened me: 'You dare to report me, count your days.'"

Ma, in the video, said that he asked Zhang, who oversaw Hebei’s legal affairs, to investigate Qu to clear way for Guo’s deal. Ma said he had also issued several notices to Hebei officials to push investigations into Qu, citing national security concerns.

Qu’s wife told Caixin that the Supreme Court has started a review of Qu’s case.

Cater for pleasure

Ma said he ordered security departments to censor reports and posts online to delete all contents negative to Guo. Ma also sent officials to threaten a reporter and a newspaper for publishing several reports criticizing Guo.

Ma said his clout within the country's domestic security apparatus also helped Guo shirk hundreds of millions of yuan in fines for violating local construction rules in Beijing in 2008 to secure a land plot in northern Beijing close to the Olympics venues, where Guo’s Pangu Plaza complex was later erected as the capital’s landmark.

Ma was well paid for his favors, he said. In the video, he said Guo paid him more than 60 million yuan worth of bribes between 2008 and 2014, including two properties in Hong Kong, more than 3 million yuan in cash and other gifts.

According to Ma, Guo lent money to Ma and his relatives to buy six apartments and 10 offices from Guo’s property projects, and then bought them back, leaving 20 million yuan in net gains for Ma’s family.

Guo knew of Ma’s interest in collecting artwork, so he frequently brought him back gifts from abroad. He also paid for Ma’s house renovation, family trips and Ma’s daughter’s rent in the U.S.

Regarding Zhang, it is unclear how much in bribes investigators believe Guo paid to him. But he was apparently very confident about the connection. “Zhang will do whatever (we) ask” in Hebei, a source familiar to Guo told Caixin.

Contact reporter Han Wei (weihan@caixin.com)

my old email - back in 2006 or where abouts...?, posted 23 Aug 2020 at 18:07 UTC by xerox » (Observer)

给你打电话好些回都是忙音。冥冥中一直体会道你的世界是你的自我独创,他人的世界于你总是格格不入,很难说清"格格不入"是第三者还是当事人的造化。

昨天写下了这么几笔:

和母亲坐车去逛福州路的书店,谈及"革命家"。因母亲对她自己的离休干部声份与实惠很有些沾沾自喜,我却不以为然,突发奇问,who was the first ones calling themselves 'revolutionaries' as 革命家 in Chinese? why not 造反家,要命家 etc etc? 在这之前,思考的一个问题是,面对众多的现代派专"家",企业家,科学家,艺术家,文学家,金融家,作家,神学家,"革命家"是否会消声匿迹了呢? My mother, of course, sensed derogative tone in my questions. She wasn't too happy about my inquisitive approach. 她说不想和我继续诸如此类的讨论。So i said, let me read poems to you. She says i shouldn't read out loud since we are on a bus. 我不理她的反对意见,开口在公交车上念 茅境的 "六四招魂"。It seems to me that i had the attention from a couple of people standing or sitting next to us!

福州路的文化商厦(上海书店的取代)have books on sale at 20%-50% original price from 400 publishers。 I found 李jie的 新历史小说《汉末党锢之迷》and bought 3 big bags books, only wish that i can carry more books for one trip.

李jie在书的后页写到:

这里写出的女人当中, 最为令人侧目的, 当然是梁太后,荀珂和木香。这三个女子在各自的位置上,分别达到了生命的纯粹。这三个女子同时又意味着三种不同的逍遥。逍遥是一种权力,不可剥夺的权力。自由在逍遥中才能定位。只有一个逍遥的人,做出了赴汤蹈海的选择,才能被视作是自由的选择。相比于拯救的虚伪和丑陋,逍遥永远是真实的美丽的。
如果有人把这部小说比作是对逍遥的赞美,对拯救谎言的审判,我任为,可以这么说。

又突发遐想,我这一辈子立志做一个名符其实的'汉人家'或'做爱家''爱作家'是否就该知足了呢?

昨晚翻阅了你的《汉末党锢之迷》,"2003年八月完稿于纽约寓所。"
"不管她们是出自小说的虚构,还是历史上确有其人,她们的真实性却是不容置疑的"

当社会的结构比人更多样化时,人的真伪越来越不重要了。人落到一定的合适的网络,好像真象一回事儿。一但阴差阳错,走错了一步棋,自以为是,倒过来看世界也别有情趣。世界是真的,自我真真假假不多是一念之差?

对我来说,你的成就是真, 你的做爱是假。于是乎,我又爱上了另一个假设的作家。好有趣。

但愿更多的人能够看到你的不同凡响之处,造就新一代你的世界里的做爱家。 i

i dare say, i am the one who find there is no man who isn't lovable. And you, being my man once, i thank you for that :-)

take care

(null), posted 24 Aug 2020 at 02:15 UTC by xerox » (Observer)

原标题 [郭廷以和“中研院”近史所往事]

  提及郭廷以这位“中央研究院”近代史研究所(以下简称“近史所”)的创办人,在大陆这一边显得尤其陌生,不仅远不及胡适、陈寅恪、李济、傅斯年这些学者广为人知,甚至连他学生辈的唐德刚、张玉法、张朋园、王尔敏等都不如。

  然而,在华语地区近代史研究中,“中研院”近史所具有巨大的影响力。据公开的资料,该所自1955年创办以来,致力于档案资料整理、图书资源添购、研究人员训练和近代史研究工作,至今出版专著、论文集、资料汇编、史料丛刊、口述访问记录、名人日记共三百余种,并有《中央研究院近代史研究所集刊》、《近代中国妇女史研究》、《口述历史》等著名学术刊物行世。

  《南港学风:郭廷以和中研院近史所的故事》一书是对郭廷以的治学风范的集体回忆。受访者均为早期服务于近史所的两代学者,其中多人还参加了近史所20世纪60年代发起的“口述历史”学术工程。正是通过28位门生故旧的追忆,不仅再现了当年郭廷以一手创建近史所的艰辛,更为人们描绘了上世纪50年代迁台的民国学术机构“后来”的故事。

  郭廷以带动大批弟子,打造出“中研院”近史所这一史学重镇,创立起清流般的“南港学风”。然而,就是这样一位史学宗师最终不免陷入知识分子间的内斗,被迫远赴美国,最终客死异乡。同样因为政治原因,其巨著《中国近代史纲》亦曾因为一些内容上的敏感,在台湾一度成为禁书。

  近史所的黄金时代

  1949年“中研院”迁台时,大部分的研究所都留在大陆,唯独历史语言所和数学所比较完整。1952年冬至1955年夏之间,“中研院”获得中华教育基金董事会和美国洛氏基金会补助,在台北县南港镇兴建“中研院”的新院址,将史语、数学两所迁到新址,后来又成立经济学研究所,恢复化学、植物学研究所,并在台北市区确定总办事处地址。至此,“中研院”往昔的规模逐渐恢复。

  史语所是“中研院”历史最悠久的几个研究所之一,所长为傅斯年,其后为董作宾及李济,加上“史语所老一辈的研究员,几经播迁,仍能专心一志,从事研究,所以成绩斐然”。

  而近史所的代表人物有张玉法、张朋园、王尔敏、陈三井、苏云峰、吕实强、李国祁、李恩涵、吕方上、黄克武等一批知名学者。而他们的一些代表性作品,如:王尔敏的《晚清政治思想史论》和《淮军志》,张朋园的《梁启超与清季革命》、《立宪派与辛亥革命》和《梁启超与民国政治》,张玉法的《民国初年的政党》和《清季的立宪团体》,陈三井的《华工与欧战》等至今仍为学界所重。

  不仅如此,当时由于近史所拥有许多档案,所以美国的多所大学愿意与近史所合作,并资助其出版档案。“最初郭先生是与西雅图华盛顿大学的‘远东及苏俄研究所’合作,接着又与哥伦比亚大学韦慕庭任所长的‘东亚研究所’合作,最后与哈佛大学的费正清教授合作。”

  一时间,近史所是“山阴道上,学人如织”。周道瞻回忆道:“1962年,我到近史所以后,奉命接待外国学人,送往迎来,我记忆所及的有:卫藤沈吉、光岛督、费正清、韦慕庭、费维恺、吴克、史麟书、孔复礼、毕乃德等不胜枚举。”

  “如要说近史所的黄金时代,则非那个时期莫属。”相比较于1928年成立且长期院士济济的史语所,1955年才成立的近史所能取得如此成就,绝对离不开创始人兼学术奠基人郭廷以。

  郭廷以,字量宇,1904年出生于河南省舞阳,1926年毕业于南京高师(后改名为东南大学)历史系。去台之前,先后执教于清华大学、河南大学、中央政治学校等,其研究深受史学大师柳诒徵影响。

  郭廷以的著作通常以传统的年代学为基础,如《太平天国史事日志》、《近代中国史事日志》就是逐日记载历史大事的年代工具书。但其又受蒋廷黻影响,史著目的并不在于考据、辨伪、补注和订误,而是弄清近代中国的基本史实,并在此基础上对近代中国作通论性质的探讨,研究近代史上的重大问题,其名著《近代中国史纲》便是显例。

  据林忠胜访问记录:时任“中研院”代院长的朱家骅很早就有意使用迁台国府旧档,他曾与傅斯年商议过在史语所增加近代史一组,未克实现。因近史所成立之议,在当时史语所引起很大的反对声浪,但朱先生还是独排众议,邀请郭廷以主持。1955年2月1日近史所筹备处正式成立,郭廷以任筹备处主任,后续任首任所长。

  一般认为,近代中国有两派主流史学,一派是以傅斯年、顾颉刚为代表的科学主义治史学派,强调历史就是史料学,专注于考据、辨伪、订误等事;另一派是马克思主义史学,以马列主义和唯物史观为宗,曾以论带史,一度依附政治而成为时代主流。南港学人的史学独立于这两种主流史学之外,注重史料却不流于琐碎,以建立通识为目的,注意西方理论却不标榜迷信,一切论从史出。在当时,这是南港学派自成一家的学术风格。当然,后来史学界不管哪派都重论从史出。

  筚路蓝缕的创所史

  据王聿均回忆:近代史研究所筹备处刚成立时,没有地方办公,最早是向台湾大学商借图书馆的顶楼办公。即便是到了1955年10月,近史所迁南港新址,他和两位同仁挤在同一间研究室,甚至连参考书都没有地方放置。

  最早成为近代史助理员的李国祁也回忆道,“近史所筹备处成立之初,助理员有吕实强、贺凌虚、吕士朋及李国祁本人,一开始他们四人在台大图书馆后面三楼的一个房间办公,隔壁是史语所董作宾先生的助理吴辑华先生的办公室。吴先生是一个人一间办公室,我们则是一群人共用一间。”

  近史所草创时期,无论研究人员、研究题目还是资源以及所内一切同开办有关的事务,绝大多数都与郭廷以有关。2006年,王尔敏即在其著作《清季兵工业的兴起》一书再版序言中写道:“我们几位追随量宇师研治中国近代史,起步自编纂史料入手,而再广览群书,做个人之专题研究。而选题亦多由量宇师选定。”

  大体说来,郭先生从事筹办、奠定近史所基础的工作主要包括三个方面:一是充实所内图书文献资料,特别是购买国内外图书馆绝版书籍微缩胶卷及美国国会文书,影印未刊行的外交档案;二是注重史料收集和编纂工作,对争取到的“外交部”旧档,由所内同仁陆续进行编目;后来更是与哥大合作开展口述历史工程。如此同时,所内逐渐形成培养研究人才的机制,如不拘出身来历选拔学者、例行学术讨论会、注重专题研究,鼓励同仁撰写专著,轮派同仁出国进修等。

  尤其值得一提的是,1955年,郭廷以获悉“外交部”从大陆带来数量甚多的外交档案,大部分存放于北投的仓库和汐止的职员宿舍,且汐止天候不佳,冬季经常下雨,容易腐蚀。即充分发挥了一位史家的远见,争取到了所存清季总理衙门与“外交部”清档、民国时期北京政府外交档案等原始材料。

  王聿均回忆,当时这批档案中包括了鸦片战争、英法联军以后,乃至民国初期,除1896年6月3日签订的《中俄密约》之外所有对外条约的原件。正是这批珍贵的原始档案为近史所的同仁提供了足够的“养料”,更重要的是郭廷以还借此争取到了当时美国华盛顿大学远东及苏俄研究所、哥大东亚研究所及福特基金会的经费支持,对推动近史所研究无疑具有决定性作用。

  除此之外,郭廷以史识宏远,以口述笔记方式,为民国史搜集资料。其创所之初,便拟订口述历史的大纲细则,首开风气,口述历史后来蔚然成风。

  南港学派的形成,也得益于南港学人的刻苦努力。几乎每一个受访者都回忆过,当年从事整理档案、编排资料的繁重研究工作。而且,当时近史所每个月定期召开同人研讨会,各人报告最近研究的问题并激烈讨论,在批评和辩难中共同进步。许多人的专论,就是在这种讨论会的基础上逐步修改成型。

  如郭正昭回忆,当时所里同人干劲十足,到晚上十点多,还有很多研究室灯火通明。编辑整理档案更是非常繁重,要先做提要目录,其后全面抄写,再用老式方法圈点。印刷锌板烧制好后,还要再次校对,进行补圈或改正。

  近史所早期的研究人员,多是中学教师或历史系本科生出身,未入研究院深造,但在近史所整理档案、编订史料、参与研讨,所接受的训练不亚于就读欧美大学的研究所,因此苦读出师后,每个人都能交出卓越的研究成果。

  “当时,凡是遵照量宇师指示、肯下工夫的,如李国祁、王树槐、王尔敏、张玉法等人都有很好的专书著作。”多年以后李恩涵就回忆道。

  一切学术史都夹杂着斗争史

  然而近史所也非学术的净土,这里同样上演着“一切学术史都夹杂着斗争史”的故事。本书受访者几乎无一例外提到了所内及“中研院”内的人事纷争。

  首先是所外的纷争,据张朋园受访记录,根源在筹备近史所前后:民国的学术派别一向有南北之分,即有所谓“南高派”和“北大派”。郭廷以出身于后改名为东南大学的南京高师,属于南高派,并不被北大系统的胡适、李济、黎东方等人认可。

  1959年,著名历史学家、国民党党史会系统的吴相湘、王德昭更直接指责郭廷以和近史所同人“尸位素餐,不做研究”。及至福特基金会提供经费落实(前后两期共约40万美元)之后,郭先生和院内尤其是史语所同仁产生的分歧更激化了。

  据受访诸位先生回忆互相印证,当时姚从吾、李济等人认为这笔钱应该是整个史学界的,向胡适院长提议成立咨询委员会,成员多为台大名流,将近史所获得经费款项提到院一级统筹管理,也即“分一杯羹”。后来郭廷以提出的一些方案都被咨询委员会否决,平添许多阻力。

  1961年12月,郭廷以向胡适请辞近史所所长一职也源于此。“以吴相湘先生的学术成就与地位,其影响力之大、杀伤力之强是可以想见的。……再加上在史学界具有泰斗地位的姚从吾先生的攻讦和杯葛,以及近史所内部之专任研究员名西洋史教授张贵永先生的默与,郭主任似乎已陷入了四面楚歌,除毅然请辞之外,还有什么良途呢?”吕实强在回忆录中写道。

  不过,胡适虽然有清华、北大、美国留学背景的情结,但并不是陷于学派之争的人,对郭廷以的为人和研究,他有一个认识过程。当郭廷以递辞呈之后,病中的胡适在近史所同仁申告之下抱病口述了一份诚恳的信给郭廷以,肯定他的学术和领导近史所的努力,退回了辞职信,劝其回归所内。但此次风波还是埋下了郭廷以远走美国的因子。

  至于所内人事纷争,也由福特基金落实之后激化。原来,创所初期,郭廷以找来自己原中央大学的部分老学生(王聿均、李毓澍、黄嘉谟为代表)在近史所任职,但此“三公”长期做基础研究而无发表机会;后来师大出身的一批青年学人,年富力强,对学术有热情,加之资料充足,学术成果逐渐涌现,深为郭先生所器重,选拔其中突出者离台进修或参与所内管理职务。加之也吸收海归学人和台大才俊进入研究所,这就形成前后两代学者间的冲突。郭廷以不擅处理此类行政,认为须有成果才好给老学生更多机会,自然夹在了两群学生之间。

  当时还有所内情况外泄事件,更引来对郭廷以的恶评和质询。郭廷以的学生李毓澍甚至向“立法院”举报,称郭廷以向海外出卖档案。

  1967年,黎东方等院外人士因和郭廷以赴海外参加会议未受重视,且嫉妒“福特基金”数额巨大,未能分得一杯羹,据李毓澍提供的资料在杂志上造谣说近史所是共产党通过费正清渗透到台北的据点。

  眼见所内事务一片混乱,1969年郭廷以负气再辞职,先后在几所名校申请经费,从事自己的研究。直到1971年12月,他才向近史所申请退休,1975年客死他乡。

  其实,对于福特基金会的经费,郭廷以最感压力之处在于使用基金需出研究成果。王萍受访时回忆说,“他们不了解这是要拿出研究成果来的,郭先生有把握所里的研究人员会将它用在做研究上;要是分给其他的人,可能只是随便写写,结果恐怕会在外国人面前丢人。郭先生实乃典型的中式老派读书人,视学术为重器,自然不会糊涂了事。”

  飘洋过海终老异域

  本报记者 严友良 发自上海

  从众多师承郭廷以的学者口中,不难获得对郭先生的一般印象。受访者之一的陈三井回忆说:郭先生喜欢穿长袍,戴眼镜,表情很严肃,讲课的声音比较低沉,河南的乡音也很重。郭先生似乎有喉咙方面的毛病,经常咳嗽、清喉咙,上课时,课堂除了他讲课和清喉咙的声音外,大都鸦雀无声。但其对所讲的内容有凭有据,句句有出处,而且内容丰富,有条理,有深度,更富启发性。

  郭廷以对学生期许甚高。据张朋园回忆,郭廷以在审阅学生的论文时,会把它从头看到尾、逐字逐句地看一遍,并在文旁进行密密麻麻的修改和润饰,即便是遇到了十分不像样子的论文,甚至一开始就可以丢弃的论文,他也在火气稍平之后,拿回来帮学生修改。“郭廷以先生属于学院派,完全是做研究的人。”王萍女士说。

  然而,当时的台湾并非黄金时代,白色恐怖盛行。据周道瞻回忆,当时大陆的书刊绝对不可以购买阅读,近史所曾通过香港采购大批大陆书刊供研究用,却被“安全部门”查扣。“1961年(王世流)被抓。据说王世流因与香港同乡通信,经常寄剪报资料给友。还有人说,可能与本所采购大陆书籍有关。”

  王萍也回忆了几起近史所同仁遭遇的白色恐怖事件。“其中,参与‘西方认识’资料汇编的魏廷朝是在递补为正式人员前夕被抓走的。他和吴章铨同时进所,非常优秀,文笔相当好,人也忠厚老实。”但因为牵涉到彭明敏案件起草《台湾人民自救运动宣言》被判刑8年。

  张玉法、李国祁等也被台湾警备总部警告过。原因“说是写国父前面一定要空一格;又说一定要先写民国在括弧西历,不能直接写西历再用民国”。更有甚者,当时“中研院”内也潜伏着情治人员,随时向上方报告院内的动向,甚至有人以“钓鱼”的形式用红色书刊引诱南港同人入罪。后来有人回忆,郭廷以之所以滞留美国即是因为上了警备部门的“黑名单”,害怕自己成为“雷震第二”。

  在这样窄逼的空间里,郭廷以依然对遭受迫害的下属极力维护。据贾廷诗回忆,郭廷以不仅多次去监狱探望魏廷朝,而且在王世流出狱之后再聘用他。

  晚年身居海外,生活清贫,但笔耕不辍,全力删改自己的著述,而在这个时期最终定稿的《近代中国史纲》现在已经成为了解近代史的重要作品。

  “回程迎着夕阳,晚霞弥漫天际,又是晚秋时节,沿途枫红,绚烂一片,而落叶遍地,更平添几许悲凉气息。我回首看看两位老人家,显得有几分倦态,内心无限感触。我问郭师母,《近代中国史纲》写作完毕出版,结束美国的研究计划,还要回台湾长住吗?两老闻言,沉默良久,才有郭师母透露一个讯息,他们在师大的宿舍已被迫迁离,回台湾已是无家可归了。叶落又如何归根呢?”

  上面这段文字是台湾“中研院”近史所原研究人员郭正昭对郭廷以晚年生活的回忆。郭正昭写道,在美国这个“少年人的天堂,壮年人的战场,老年人的坟墓”的地方,郭廷以身上重演了“近代中国知识分子花果飘零的宿命”。

  “因为经济的、特别是政治的原因,本土社会不能提供一个优良的生态环境,让这些知识人安身立命。他们必须飘洋过海,流浪异域,追求自由的新生。这种花果飘零的宿命,构成了一幅时代悲剧的图像。”对于恩师终老异乡,郭正昭感慨。

  不过,这样的追求同样感召了后人,“我最感动的是大家的研究精神,……(吕实强,王尔敏,张朋园等)他们这几位用功的精神,我都很受感召,他们的研究室晚上都是灯火通明,大家继续在那里努力,待到十点多才离开,我也战战兢兢,用功到很晚。当时,近史所在那样的氛围下,所内仍然有一种高昂的士气。”郭正昭回忆道。或许,这即是巍巍南港有遗风的原因。

  关于郭廷以,值得一提的还有他的大儿子郭倞闿和郭倞闿之子郭怡广。前者,1955年以应届成绩第一名毕业于台湾大学机械系。1956年到美国俄亥俄州州立大学深造机械工程硕士学位。1958年入斯坦福大学修博士,后转加州伯克利大学完成机械工程科学博士学位。曾在IBM工作23年,1970年受周恩来的邀请作为从美国归国访问的学者回到大陆。此后因频繁来往于中美之间,被美国当局怀疑向中国泄露高科技情报,受到调查,被迫离开IBM。1987年之后定居北京,如今从高科技产业转战传统产业—烘烤业,是国际普照公司的董事长。至于郭怡广,更为人们所熟知,他是国内著名摇滚乐队唐朝的创建者,现在是百度国际媒体公关总监。
(责任编辑:高果果)

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